In the early 20th century, the photographic studio known as Photographia Ingleza was operated in Lisbon by the brothers Josef (Joseph) Lazarus and Maurice Lazarus, two figures associated with the modern Jewish presence in the city. The studio was established on Rua Ivens, in the Chiado area, one of Lisbon’s most dynamic cultural and commercial districts at the time.

Before settling in Lisbon, the Lazarus brothers had worked extensively in Mozambique, where they became pioneers in the large-scale production of photographic postcards and albums depicting colonial life. This experience shaped their technical expertise and commercial approach to photography. On May 1, 1909, they officially opened Photographia Ingleza in Lisbon, positioning the studio as a provider of high-quality portraiture and photographic prints.

Only three days after its opening, the studio received formal appointment as photographer to the Portuguese Royal Household, a distinction that placed Photographia Ingleza among the most prestigious photographic establishments in the country. From their premises on Rua Ivens, the Lazarus brothers produced studio portraits, official photographs, and images that circulated widely in illustrated magazines and visual media of the period.

The address of the studio is documented as Rua Ivens 53, Lisbon, a detail preserved through photographic stamps and museum records. This location is particularly significant, as it situates the Lazarus brothers within a street already closely linked to the history of Portuguese photography. It is noteworthy, and somewhat ironic, that Photographia Ingleza operated on Rua Ivens, the same street where the renowned photographer Joshua Benoliel lived. This coincidence highlights Rua Ivens as a discreet but important axis of early 20th century photographic production in Lisbon, bringing together, within the same urban space, key figures of the city’s visual culture.

Within the context of Jew Where, Photographia Ingleza stands as a marker of Jewish professional life in modern Lisbon and of the contribution of Jewish photographers to the construction of the city’s visual memory during the period of Jewish reestablishment in Portugal.

The neoclassical statue of Pedro IV stands at the center of Rossio Square, one of the most symbolically charged spaces in Lisbon’s history. Erected in 1870, the monument honors the monarch who granted the Constitutional Charter of 1826 and embodied the liberal transformation of Portugal.

Pedro IV’s political legacy is directly connected to Jewish history in Portugal. The constitutional order he established consolidated the dismantling of the legal foundations of the Inquisition and brought an end to centuries of institutionalized religious discrimination. Although the Inquisition had been formally abolished in 1821, it was the liberal constitutional framework that ensured civil equality and religious freedom, creating the conditions for Jews to return openly to Portugal and to reconstitute communal life during the 19th century after more than three centuries of forced conversion, exile, and persecution.

Artistically, the monument follows a neoclassical language inspired by Roman triumphal columns. The statue rises on a tall Corinthian column, with Pedro IV holding the Constitutional Charter as a symbol of constitutional rule and civil liberties. At the base of the column stand four allegorical female figures representing Justice, Wisdom, Strength, and Moderation, virtues associated with enlightened and constitutional governance.

The placement of the monument is deeply symbolic. Rossio Square was the main stage of the Portuguese Inquisition’s autos-da-fé from the 16th to the 18th centuries, where thousands of New Christians, many of Jewish origin, were publicly judged, humiliated, and executed. The statue thus marks a clear rupture between a space once defined by religious terror and a new civic landscape grounded in legal equality and constitutional freedom.

Rossio, today Praça Dom Pedro IV, was one of the principal public stages of the Portuguese Inquisition in Lisbon. The autos-da-fé, formal ceremonies where inquisitorial sentences were read and penalties imposed, were staged here as urban spectacles designed for maximum visibility. Many of Lisbon’s processions began at the doors of the Church of São Domingos, on the edge of Rossio, immediately beside the Palácio dos Estaus, which served as the seat of the Lisbon tribunal of the Holy Office from the second half of the 16th century.

The scale of inquisitorial activity is measurable. Quantitative studies commonly cite 44,817 proceedings (processos) opened between 1536 and 1767, noting gaps for Goa in part of the 17th century. The same scholarship emphasizes that the principal targets of prosecution were New Christians of Jewish origin, and in Lisbon, “Judaism” remained a majority category of accusation, even within a more diverse imperial and cosmopolitan jurisdiction.

Rossio’s inquisitorial geography is also reinforced by archival preservation. The Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo reports 19,775 descriptive records and 2,392,997 digitized images available online for the Inquisition of Lisbon collections, reflecting the volume of surviving documentation connected to Lisbon’s tribunal and its overseas jurisdiction.

The ceremonies themselves followed a fixed logic, public humiliation, ritualized penitence, and the reading of sentences before crowds. While executions were often carried out elsewhere, Rossio functioned as the symbolic center where guilt was proclaimed in public and social stigma was imposed. In the late 17th century, Rome increasingly pressured for punishments to be applied in more private settings, and by the 18th century the public auto-da-fé was in decline.

Key figures (documented totals)

• 44,817 inquisitorial proceedings (processos), 1536–1767 (minimum, with gaps for Goa in part of the 17th century).

• 19,775 descriptive records and 2,392,997 images online for the Lisbon Inquisition holdings at Torre do Tombo.

• 1766: last auto-da-fé in Portugal with condemnation to the stake (as reported by RTP Ensina).

Travessa do Judeu is a historic street located between Bairro Alto and Bica, on the western slope of Lisbon. Its toponym preserves the memory of a Jewish presence in this area, outside the main medieval Judiarias of Alfama and the Baixa, reflecting a more dispersed pattern of Jewish settlement within the city.

During the late Middle Ages, this zone functioned as a corridor linking the upper city to the riverfront, associated with commerce, crafts, and circulation. The existence of a street bearing the name “Judeu” indicates Jewish residence or property in the area, documented elsewhere in Lisbon through records of Jews living beyond formally enclosed Jewish quarters.

Following the expulsion of the Jews from Portugal in 1496 and the subsequent forced conversions, the area was fully absorbed into the Christian urban fabric. No identifiable Jewish architectural elements survive today, but the street name remains as a rare and meaningful trace of Jewish presence in western Lisbon, preserving memory through urban toponymy rather than monumental remains.

Travessa da Judiaria is a short lane in the historic center of Santarém whose name preserves the exact footprint of the city’s medieval Jewish quarter. In late medieval documentation, this axis appears as the Rua Nova da Judiaria (“New Street of the Jewish Quarter”), and scholarly urban-history work identifies today’s Travessa da Judiaria and the nearby Rua Maestro Luís da Silveira as the main surviving alignments of the 15th-century Jewish quarter’s internal street structure.

As a street, the Travessa is valuable precisely because it is not an abstract “memory of Jews,” it is a retained piece of the medieval urban grid. Research on Santarém’s urban evolution links this micro-topography to regulatory mechanisms typical of Portuguese towns, in which Jewish residence was concentrated and movement could be controlled through narrow passages, bounded circulation, and the management of access routes. In this reading, the Travessa reflects a lived urban environment of dense housing and constrained space, rather than a symbolic label applied later.

The street’s position also anchors it physically within the fortified city. A pedestrian itinerary for Santarém’s historic center places the descent into Travessa da Judiaria from Avenida 5 de Outubro and notes that, at its end, one can still observe to the left an old bastion of the city wall, before continuing along the side of the Igreja da Graça. This situates the Travessa on the edge between residential lanes and the defensive architecture of the upper town, a typical setting for late medieval quarters shaped by walls, gates, and internal boundaries.

In present-day administrative geography, Travessa da Judiaria lies in the parish of Marvila (Santarém) and is associated with the postal code 2000-123, with publicly listed coordinates for the street.

Solar do Capitão-Mor, in Faro, is relevant to Jewish history because in the nineteenth century it became the residence of the family of Abraão Amram, one of the most prominent figures in the city’s modern Jewish community. The house itself was completed in 1751 for the Desembargador Veríssimo de Mendonça Manuel and is regarded as one of the best examples of Baroque domestic architecture in Faro. Municipal and heritage sources also note that, while in the hands of the Amram family, the building underwent interior alterations.

The Amram Family

The Amrams belonged to the modern Sephardic Jewish community that took shape in Faro during the nineteenth century, within the broader movement of Jews of Moroccan origin who settled in the Algarve. One source on Faro’s Jewish history states that the first Jew to arrive in the city was Shmuel Amram, who came from Tangier in 1813. By the later nineteenth century, the family was fully established in Faro’s economic and social life.

Abraão Amram in Faro

Abraão Amram, usually dated 1866-1918, appears in local historical writing as one of the richest and most influential Jews in Faro. He was associated with the prosperous Jewish elite of the city and with the commercial world that linked Faro to cork and other sectors of the regional economy. His public standing is reflected in the fact that he served as president of Clube Farense in 1899, which places him firmly within the city’s urban elite.

The Jewish Community of Silves appears as a recognized institution confirmed by royal authority throughout the fourteenth century, with records of confirmations of privileges in 1359, 1366, and 1396. This sequence indicates formal continuity of the community as a collective body with its own legal status.

In the fifteenth century, Jewish presence is closely linked to the fiscal and administrative functioning of the city. On 23 April 1474, a petition records Isaac Alferce, customs receiver of Silves, demanding the payment of the tithe on olive oil, with a dispute over where the tax should be delivered and naming the parties involved, Fernam de San Lucar, Sem Tob Abroz, and the royal finance overseer Rui Valente. On 12 March 1482, a letter confirms Pero Feio as clerk of the toll office and also of the Jewish and Muslim communities of the city, a clear sign that these communal bodies maintained their own records and administrative routines within everyday fiscal life.

The judiaria of Silves is described in historiography as an intramural space associated with the sector of the Porta de Loulé, the main entrance to the former medina. Urban analysis helps situate the quarter. From the Porta da Almedina, also known as the Porta de Loulé, originated the former Rua Direita, today Rua da Sé, which structured circulation within the medieval town. In a doctoral thesis on the Cathedral of Silves, the judiaria is placed within the walls, near Rua das Portas de Loulé, and the same work describes a street that “led to the judiaria”, connecting the Porta da Vila to the Porta de Loulé, reinforcing the anchoring of the Jewish quarter along the southern corridor of the medieval nucleus. In heritage interpretation materials, Rua da Porta de Loulé is presented as the entrance to the area that, from the definitive Christian reconquest until the end of the fifteenth century, corresponded to the former Jewish quarter.

Jewish presence in Loulé is secure and well documented from the fourteenth century onward, when municipal sources and historiography begin to record the community with clarity. For earlier periods, the reference bibliography used for Loulé does not provide consolidated direct mentions, so the historically “secure” narrative effectively begins in the Late Middle Ages.

An important milestone appears in 1359, during the reign of King Pedro I, associated with a policy of urban segregation that imposed separate quarters for Jews and Muslims, a clear sign that the Jewish community existed and was recognized as a social body within the town.

In the fifteenth century, the documentation becomes particularly concrete. On 7 April 1402, Jews took part in a municipal council meeting, demonstrating a degree of civic integration that is relatively rare in the Portuguese context. On 12 March 1409, the synagogue of Loulé appears explicitly as the setting for a formal act: the rabbi of the community, Isaac Cofem, appointed guardians for two orphans, Ester and Rica (or Rainha), daughters of the late Rabbi Moom. The oath was taken “on a book of their law”, with named Jewish witnesses. The same episode also reveals real tensions with municipal justice, including the seizure of household goods, showing how town authority could override the internal jurisdiction of the Jewish community.

The community is also visible in the local economy through municipal supply records. The so-called Book of the Distribution of Fruit (1450) is one of the most expressive documents, preserving signatures in Hebrew and Arabic alongside Portuguese. This provides a direct image of practical coexistence and of identities recognized within everyday administrative life.

Judiaria Velha and Judiaria Nova

Urban reconstruction places the Judiaria Velha within the town walls, between the Porta de Silves and the Porta Nova, with its synagogue associated with this sector. In 1492, the community requested a new, more segregated quarter, and the documentation describes the transition to a Judiaria Nova. On 26 November 1492, the corregedor of the Algarve, Vasco Pereira, met “at the door of the old judiaria”, granted the Jews a street “more cleared of Christians”, and ordered the construction of a clearly marked portal, with a brick arch, a gable, and doors.

The same line of urban reconstruction indicates that the new quarter was organized between the former residential area and Rua de João Boto, which led south to the Porta de Faro. The community living there had a strong presence of Jewish craftsmen, artisans and people of the trades, such as blacksmiths, shoemakers, tailors, shearers, and weavers, alongside individuals connected to agriculture and to more prestigious activities, including medicine.

Vale Judeu is a toponym used in the area of Quarteira, in the surroundings of Vilamoura, and the exact origin of the name is not explained in a consensual way in the most accessible reference sources. The name has come to designate several points in the territory, beginning with Estrada de Vale Judeu – Quarteira, which structures addresses and nearby roads, as well as the former Vale Judeu railway halt, now closed, which once served the locality on the Algarve Line. In addition, the same name appears in public transport stops in the area, such as Vale Judeu (Igreja), establishing Vale Judeu as a practical reference for local orientation, even when the original reason for the toponym is not securely known.

In the Late Middle Ages, Alvor functioned as a coastal town with a port-oriented and productive profile, linked to fishing, salt production, and the circulation of goods between sea and hinterland. Jewish presence in the town is indicated by local syntheses, which record that in the final decades of the fifteenth century there was a judiaria in Alvor, as in other relevant settlements of the Algarve. A particularly strong documentary datum appears in connection with the rents and rights of the local lordship: in a royal grant by King Afonso V to the alcaide Álvaro de Ataíde, the list of revenues from Alvor explicitly includes the “new and old service of the Jews”, that is, specific taxation levied on a Jewish minority that was effectively present and accounted for. This type of reference does not describe names, streets, or a building, but it does prove fiscal framing and communal existence, sufficient to support the conclusion that Alvor had a structured Jewish nucleus in the late fifteenth century.

The rupture came with the measures of 1496–1497 enacted by King Manuel I, which imposed expulsion or conversion, formally dissolving Jewish communities and, with them, the judiaria as an identifiable communal space. Thereafter, what tends to survive is memory and indirect documentation rather than clear material remains. In the following centuries, the framework of the New Christians and the establishment of the Holy Office in 1536 created an environment of surveillance and denunciation that also affected Algarvian towns, and Alvor appears included in the networks of circulation and proceedings linked to the tribunal of Évora. Today, no medieval synagogue, medieval Jewish cemetery, or clearly recognizable “Jewish quarter” has been consensually identified on the ground. What remains as a basis for historical reading is the old nucleus of Alvor and its late medieval and early modern heritage, including the parish church and its Manueline portal, studied in academic literature, which frames the moment of transition in which the judiaria formally disappeared. As for the nineteenth century, synthetic references on Alvor focus on the late medieval judiaria and do not usually point to an organized Jewish communal return to the town in that period.